The European Union presents in numbers what has been achieved from the maritime security operation it is leading in the Red Sea and its developments... deploying frigates to enhance the mission... not participating in any action against the Houthis on the ground.
Brussels: Europe and the Arabs
European Union Foreign and Security Policy Coordinator Josep Borrell said while answering journalists' questions in a press conference with Admiral Greparis, commander of the new naval operation ASPIDES - in the Red Sea, that this operation represents a clear and rapid response by the European Union to the deteriorating situation in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Which had a negative impact on commercial shipping and regional stability. According to a statement issued by Borrell's office in Brussels last night regarding his statements, the European official added, "As you know, the Houthis are attacking commercial ships with drones and missiles, violating international law and freedom of navigation. In doing so, they threaten maritime security, endanger international trade, and undermine peace and security." Regional people are at stake. It causes great damage and costs people's lives. It negatively affects environmental security and regional economies. This increases costs. The costs of shipped goods are affected. And even the population in Yemen pays the consequences, because they are most deprived of life-saving assistance. It increases the costs Food on the region's economies, which have already been affected by the consequences of the aggressive war launched by Russia against Ukraine. He explained, "I just want to explain the reasons for this mission with some numbers." Houthi attacks on maritime traffic had to be redirected around the Cape of Good Hope. You can take a look at this through any Google application. This means an additional 10 to 14 days of travel [per flight]. The cost of a container from China to Europe has doubled - it costs twice as much. Insurance shipping [costs] increased by 60%. Before the crisis, 13% of global trade passed through the Red Sea. Annually, 13% of traffic passed through these waters. Today, only half of the 70 ships that pass daily still use the Suez Canal. Therefore, it was necessary to intervene, and I am very proud that we were able to launch the ASPIDES process just one month after the first discussions among Member States took place. In one month, the process began. It became operational very quickly and fulfills the [triple] mandate of this mission: protecting ships under attack, escorting ships, and enhancing maritime [situational] awareness. Let me just emphasize that as of today, four Member States have deployed frigates to the mission, and 19 Member States are contributing personnel to the Operations Headquarters and Force Headquarters. In less than two months since the launch of the operation, the operation has accompanied [more than] 68 ships and repelled 11 attacks. So, it is a task that involves a certain and important level of involvement and risk. But [Operation ASPIDES] has a defense mandate: we are not participating in any operation against the Houthis on the ground. Our ships operate in self-defense and to protect target ships. This must be stated clearly, because transparency and openness to regional actors has been our priority since we began preparing this process. We have exchanged views with countries in the region to discuss and communicate the ASPIDES mission, and we will continue to do so. Our mission is to actively interact with other partners involved in re-establishing safety and security in the region. We cooperate closely with the French-led AGENOR process. We hold regular talks with the US-led Operation Prosperity Guardian. I am also very proud that our two EU naval operations, ASPIDES and ATALANTA, cooperate closely and share support with the Maritime Security Center in Brest. In conclusion: This mission is a clear demonstration of our will and ability to strengthen international security, protect global public goods, protect transport routes, and defend the interests of the European Union. It is a concrete example of the European Union acting as a maritime security provider.
Question: Dear High Representative, I would like to ask: Are you satisfied with the results achieved by this process so far? Should we expect further developments, more decisions and actions regarding the process?
Well, as I said, the operation was launched in record time. It was a quick answer, and [since] the mission was deployed it has been working in a very satisfactory manner. The numbers that the Admiral and I have presented to you show how important this mission is and, at the same time, the level of engagement they are undertaking: the number of ships protected, the number of attacks repelled. We're not talking about a game. They reject attacks, real fire. They must stop the missiles directed against the ships accompanying them. We fully understand that this is a job that carries or comes with a level of risk. We have to increase our capacity. Now we have four ships and we cooperate from time to time with others, but the Admiral knows very well that we are trying to work to increase the logistical support that the mission needs on the ground. And also medical capabilities just in case. But certainly, so far, the performance is very good, and I thank the [Rear] Admiral for that.
Q: What is the contribution of merchant shipping companies in this process? Because basically it is done for them and for the industry. Do they contribute to this process and how?
As I said, this is a security provider. We must balance the costs of action with the costs of inaction. The Council has allocated €8 million for shared costs to be borne by Member States for the initial one-year mandate of the operation. These eight million do not include national costs, such as salaries. But compare these costs to what the cost would be if we did nothing. As I said, the Bab el-Mandab Strait is crossed by 30% of global containers and 21% of global capacity. It is a vital artery. It is a vital artery for us. We cannot leave this part of the world unprotected. This is our strategic interest, as we act as a security provider. The European Union budget cost for our military operations budget allocated by the Council amounts to 8 million euros for the first year.
Q: How was the mission accomplished? Is it at the request of merchant ships? I just want to imagine what our procedures are like as a maritime security provider. If you come to the process: What are our ideas about sustainability? I know the mandate is now for one year, how do we want to continue that? What is the exit strategy in the worst case?
The Admiral knows better than I how to deal. I can't tell you how long the job will take. I hope it's as short as possible, but it doesn't depend on me.
Q: Is there a political way out of this crisis in the Red Sea, taking into account of course the Houthis’ argument and the situation in Gaza? Have you seen any kind of political solution out of this tense situation?
Let me make clear that this initiative, and this naval mission, is not intended to be a response to the situation in Gaza, nor to the Israeli response to the Hamas attacks on October 7. We have a strategic goal: to protect the lives of seafarers, ensure freedom of navigation and secure international trade. This mission will be essential to protect the sea lines in the strategic corridor that is under attack. But it has no relationship, it is not an answer, and it is not related to Iran, the Houthis, or the war in Gaza. This is certainly something that concerns us and worries us greatly, but we are there to protect the ships, the lives of sailors and our strategic interests.
Q: Russia sent its warships to the Red Sea and began training there. My question to you: How does this affect the situation? Is it a credit or a problem?
Well, freedom of navigation is freedom of navigation. It is also for Russia. Russia can send its ships. We have rules of engagement. There are a lot of procedures that different navies must follow, in order to coexist in the same geographical area.
Question: My question, Mr. Borrell, is if you have any direct or indirect contact with the Houthis. If not, what is your message to the Houthis?
We are following the situation in this part of the world. We know that there is a relationship between different actors in the region. We condemned, for example, the attack on the Iranian consulate. We have an executive area that also includes North Muscat, the Arabian Sea and the Gulf. We do not have direct contact with the Houthis, but - as you know - we have an embassy in Yemen and we follow everything that happens in the region. We want to keep communication channels open with Iran. We call on Iran to exercise restraint and use its influence to avoid escalation, especially with regard to relations with the Houthis. But I don't think Iran has complete control over the Houthis' decision-making process. They have become completely independent.
Question: You explained earlier that the naval mission was not intended to be a response to the situation in Gaza, but the Houthis linked the two matters. Do you think that if the war in Gaza ended tomorrow, the attacks would stop? Just to clarify: Do you think there would be an end to attacks against ships if tomorrow you found a political solution to the war?
After the start of the war between Israel and Hamas, the Houthis clearly positioned themselves - and this is no secret - as defenders of the Palestinian cause. This has certainly given them increasing popularity in the wider Islamic world. On October 19, they began launching drones against commercial ships that they described as “linked to Israel’s interests.” They started on October 19 saying: “I will attack ships associated with Israeli interest.”
But today they attack commercial ships in the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea, randomly. Connection to Israeli or American interests, who knows? Coordination is being done with Iran. Well, they have a convenience partnership. But the Houthis’ control over decision-making power is something we do not know. To be sure, the Houthis have gained capacity and independence. Now, 80 attacks have been reported, 80 attacks [so far]. In response, since October, the United States or the United Kingdom has carried out 30 military operations. Since last February, the Houthis have expanded the scope of their attacks, and are now demanding that ships obtain a permit from what they call the First Maritime Authority before entering Yemeni waters. They also announced the expansion of the geographical scope of the attacks to include Israeli ships sailing in the Indian Ocean. Well, certainly for the Houthis there is a connection between the attacks they carry out and the war in Gaza. For our part, we only want to ensure freedom and security of navigation. We hope that we can control the situation, and that it does not spread to a wider geographical area.